From Page to Practice: Health Excepted, Health Accepted
What is the relationship of health and abortion in law? How do the responses to this question change as one moves through various historical periods, from states to the national level in federations, or from the domestic to the international arena? Does conceiving (pun intended) of abortion as tethered to women’s health result in more authority, autonomy, equality, or safety for women — or less?When contraception and abortion were legal in
Roe v. Wade reflects both these traditions: in Roe, “health” offers reasons for regulation as well as for exemption from regulation. Roe recognizes, in the second trimester of a pregnancy, the state’s interest in regulating abortion to protect maternal health, and in the third trimester, the state’s interest in regulating abortion to protect potential life — so long as government allows women access to abortions necessary to protect their lives or health.
Legal systems other than the United States take women’s health as a relevant part of the discussion of rights to abortion and its decriminalization. Abortion and health are connected in decisions from the Supreme Court of Canada,
Developments in jurisdictions where health claims have provided a pathway to liberalization might suggest that health works as a “one-way rachet,” giving women more access to abortion. But one cannot reliably assume that health provides a one-way street to abortion liberalization. In the nineteenth century, when the common law permitted contraception and abortion, advocates invoked health as a reason to criminalize birth control practices. Today, proponents of criminalization once again make arguments that abortion harms women’s health as they invoke medical and psychological characterizations of abortion as a source of injury to women, encapsulated in what they call “Post-Abortion Syndrome” — or “PAS.”
Further, every claim of health is itself a potential site of struggle. The 2007 decision in Gonzales v. Carhart illustrates this point. Seeming to depart from prior precedent, the Court upheld a federal statute restricting certain methods of performing later-term abortions despite the fact that, on its face, the law made no exceptions for abortions to protect a woman’s health and allowed only those needed to protect a woman’s life. Congress had been told by medical professionals that the procedure was sometimes medically necessary, a position also attested to in court. Appearing not to credit these claims, the Court was nonetheless careful not to foreclose them: the majority expressly recognized the possibility of an “as applied” challenge to the statute by those who needed to use the banned abortion method, but did not explain who was entitled to assert this claim, when and how they would assert it, or the standards by which their health claims were to be assessed. For our purposes here, Carhart illustrates ambiguities in law’s claims about health: is health a legal/political procedure, a medical judgment, and/or a judgment by pregnant women? Hence, it is time to examine more closely health’s work – transnationally — in the law of abortion and its impact on women’s autonomy, authority, equality, standing, safety, and welfare.
Judith Resnik
Arthur Liman Professor of Law
Reva Siegel
Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Professor of Law