Dropping the F-Bomb

Amanda Shapiro, Resident Blogger (’15, Brooklyn Law School)

How many times has one of your friends started their sentence with “I’m not a feminist, but…”? If you answered “one,” that’s already too many. We [read: self-proclaimed feminists] hear the beginning of that sentence not just from our friends, but from celebrities, professors, acquaintances, and even blind dates. Sometimes, the qualifying “but” isn’t even thrown in; sometimes it’s the conclusory “I’m not a feminist.” A few weeks ago, a fellow female law student told me after class, “I would never call myself a feminist, but pregnancy discrimination has gotten out of control.” Does that mean feminism could finally warm its way into her heart if pregnancy discrimination hit absolute rock bottom? Now, to be fair, some people just refuse to ascribe any labels to themselves [read: hipsters]. But the most common “I am not a feminist” utterer isn’t someone who really doesn’t believe in feminism or hates labels, it’s someone who doesn’t want to be perceived as a feminist, or just does not understand it. I’ve been told “I can’t possibly be a feminist because I like pink and I like to get my nails done.” But when I pressed whether this person believed that there were social and cultural forces that prevented women from achieving equality on par with men, she answered with an unqualified “yes.” So what is it about the F-word that gives people the heebie-jeebies?

Embarassingly, I used to be a feminism-denier when I was an undergrad at Harvard. But there’s nothing quite like being surrounded by scary-rich young men of privilege to turn you into a practicing feminist. It didn’t help my anti-feminism either to learn that many of my friends had been survivors of sexual assault or attempted sexual assault; and apparently, it hasn’t gotten much better. Aside from the traditional, feminist groups on campus where I gained some much-needed perspective, there was also a growing coalition of conservative women. When one of these women (a board member of the campus republicans) was interviewed about her work, she proudly noted that she was a feminist. In response, one of her male, republican colleagues commented “that’s cute that she thinks that.” His comment gets at the source of the ire for the F-word: supposedly, it’s only reserved for certain women – women who don’t shave their armpits, who attend Lilith Fair, who go on diatribes about killing off the male race.

But the crux of feminism is that, as my Women and the Law professor reminds our class, there are many, many feminisms. They don’t all agree with each other. My feminism, for example, has been pulled in so many directions that it now feels like salt water taffy. But they all embrace the idea that something is wrong with the way our society treats women, and it needs fixing. If you can acknowledge that, then you are a feminist. And when you’re ready, I have an extra ticket to the Lilith Fair revival tour with your name on it.

Support the HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act!

This article was originally published by the National Center for Lesbian Rights.

Lauren Paulk is the Law Students for Reproductive Justice Fellow at the National Center for Lesbian Rights.

Though the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will go a long way toward ensuring access to quality healthcare for most LGBT individuals, many LGBT immigrants are still prohibited from obtaining the affordable health care they need. Despite being authorized to live and work in the United States, many immigrants—including LGBT immigrants—are ineligible for affordable health coverage and care through vital programs like Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP).

Many immigrants are subject to a ban that makes them ineligible for federal Medicaid and CHIP for at least the first five years they are authorized to live and work in the United States, and other lawfully present immigrants who do not fall into an outdated and restrictive list of “qualified” immigrants are barred altogether. Since immigrants—particularly LGBT immigrants—are disproportionately low-income, it can be difficult or impossible to obtain the health care they need. That means five years without insurance coverage for critical and life-saving services, including pap smears, mammograms, HIV treatment, mental health care, or pediatric care for children.

Young people granted status through “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals” (DACA) are forced to wait even longer. DACA refers to a program enacted in 2012 that allows undocumented people ages 15-30 who arrived in the US as children (and who are currently in school or working) to remain here for renewable two-year periods. While they are considered lawfully present and are eligible to work and pay into public health benefits systems, they are prevented from accessing affordable care. Currently, people with DACA status are ineligible for federal Medicaid or CHIP coverage and the years they live in the United States with DACA status will not count toward the five years of lawful presence required before they become eligible. To add insult to injury, these young people are even ineligible to purchase private health insurance on the ACA exchange—with or without federal subsidies.

Many LGBT immigrants come to the US after fleeing interpersonal and state abuse based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. However, once they arrive, LGBT immigrants face a number of challenges to obtaining affordable and culturally competent health care. While the ACA will continue to combat the discrimination LGBT people face in the health care system due to lack of cultural competency, all of its positive effects are out of reach for LGBT immigrants because of gaps in coverage. The existing barriers to affordable health care disenfranchise hard-working LGBT immigrants who come to the United States to have a better life, only to encounter difficulty getting the care they need. Moreover, because LGBT immigrants are much less likely than non-immigrants to be able to access health care through their jobs, they are putting work into a system that does not support them.

However, new legislation introduced by Congresswoman Michelle Lujan Grisham would change these realities for good. The Health Equity and Access under the Law for Immigrant Women and Families Act of 2014 (“HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act” for short) restores access to Medicaid and CHIP for immigrants authorized to live and work in the United States who are otherwise eligible. The bill also extends full participation in the ACA to young people granted status under DACA.

The HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act is especially important for families. LGBT families are more likely to live in poverty than non-LGBT families, meaning health care on the private market is often out of reach. We know that LGBT people deserve the same access to health care as non-LGBT people, and this should include LGBT immigrants. The HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act would bridge the gaps in the ACA, Medicaid, and CHIP by extending needed care options to immigrants, and in so doing, strengthen our workplace, our economy, and our communities. NCLR applauds Congresswoman Lujan Grisham for introducing the HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act, and we encourage other members of Congress who support the LGBT community to stand beside her in expanding the health care options for many LGBT immigrants. Please show your support for the HEAL Immigrant Women and Families Act by signing this pledge, put together by the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health. Please check out @NLIRH’s twitter timeline for more information on how this important bill will impact our communities!

Stock Up: Ridding Preposterous Images of Women from Stock Photography

Amanda Shapiro, Resident Blogger (’15, Brooklyn Law School)

It was a pleasant surprise to wake up the other morning and see a positive move towards gender parity. Leanin.org announced that it would be partnering with Getty Images to improve the representation of women in stock photography. That’s right, heels will soon be back in style for walking instead of stepping on men, or hanging off of disembodied legs. I’m not too crazy about Sheryl Sandberg’s Lean In thesis: that women must learn to adopt characteristics like “assertiveness”  to succeed in this maniverse, rather than dismantling it. But Sandberg aptly described the need for this project as, “you can’t be what you can’t see.”

And what we’re seeing these days is pretty abismal. Advertising is gravitating towards more objectification of female bodies than ever before. It’s not difficult to imagine the toll this imagery takes on young women and girls: depression, eating disorders, and lower self-esteem, to name a few ramifications. But we hear less about the implications these images have for young men. One peer-reviewed study found that men were more tolerant of rape myths and sexual harassment after they viewed images of sexually objectified women. The effects became more pronounced as the exposure to objectifying imagery increased. And if the stock images out there aren’t offensive, they’re just downright ridiculous. This project won’t rid the world of women posing as beer bottles, but it will more accurately depict the “working woman;” she’s leaving those man-stomping heels at home this time.

Lady Parts

Mangala Kanayson, Resident Blogger (’15, Emory University School of Law)

Dear LSRJ Blog Reader,

Lady Parts (LP) is a student-run production that highlights the issues surrounding gender, sexuality, and identity, as pertaining to women. Through a series of monologues, LP aims to educate, enlighten, and empower both women and the surrounding community in order to accept, advocate, and celebrate.

In 2013,  Emory Law Students for Reproductive Justice, in partnership with the corresponding student organizations at the Public Health and Medical Schools, brought Eve Ensler’s play “The Vagina Monologues” to the Emory Graduate community for the first time. This year the show has progressed toward new goals. In the interest of creating a more diverse and inclusive show this year’s production will be featuring monologues written by Emory students about the modern day triumphs and hardships of being a woman. We are particularly interested in exploring the intersectionality of other aspects of identity (age, race, orientation, class) with womanhood and how our experiences are both shared and different.

If you’re in the Atlanta area and interested in acting or would like to learn more about the production, please click here and get involved. The show is on March 20, 2014 at 7pm in Tull Auditorium. We look forward to seeing you in March! If you’d like to support us but are unable to do so in person, please consider donating to our beneficiary SPARK on behalf of LadyParts here.

XOXO, Emory LSRJ

As a LSRJ alum, I care about women winning

Kate Baxter-Kauf, Guest Blogger, (’11, University of Minnesota Law School)

Like most alumni members of the LSRJ, I was active during law school in my chapter, serving as the co-treasurer for two law school years and going to meetings all three, and helping to organize fund raisers, educational events, and visiting speakers (though perhaps not as active as two of our co-presidents during my law school, both of whom LSRJ has profiled!). Also like most alumni members of the LSRJ, I’m committed to fostering legal expertise and support for the realization of reproductive justice. During law school, my involvement with LSRJ made the method through which I supported these goals clear —my LSRJ chapter had a full and vibrant schedule of ways to learn and get involved.

But since graduating from law school, I’ve been less sure how to support reproductive justice in more tangible ways than being informed and following smart activists on Twitter. I work in private practice; my job doesn’t involve non-profit or advocacy work on a day to day basis. There does not seem to be much of a need for pro bono direct legal services for those seeking abortions in my area—I looked, for example, as to whether minors requiring a judicial bypass proceeding needed counsel in Minnesota, where I live, but my research and discussion with providers indicated that guardians at litem and not lawyers were the ordinary volunteers. Every pro-choice organization needs donations and holds events, and I’ve found a few I especially like, especially those that directly fund abortions for people who can’t afford them.

Over the past year I have found a different opportunity to participate in the movement through an organization called womenwinning. The organization recruits, trains, and helps pro-choice women candidates get elected and the events it puts on directly support this mission—I went to a house party that discussed essential traits of successful global leaders in the context of women in the workplace with Dr. Annmarie Neal that was fantastic, and last year’s annual luncheon with former Senator Olympia Snowe was both inspiring and informative about the ongoing need for pro-choice women officials across the ideological spectrum. Next week, I’ll be attending my second annual Wine, Chocolate & Choice event, which is specifically designed to aid young pro-choice women like myself in fostering the next generation of reproductive rights advocates.

If you’re in Minneapolis next week and a supporter of LSRJ, you should join me. If you’re not, I highly encourage you—in addition to supporting LSRJ, supporting and funding direct reproductive rights services, and other events—to seek out these types of organizations. Finding a way to elect pro-choice women candidates to all levels of public office is a concrete step in the fight for reproductive rights and justice.

Note from the LSRJ national office – as a 501(c)(3) organization, we do not support or oppose any candidate running for public office. Any LSRJ alum or member affiliating with WomenWinning is doing so as a private individual.

Anniversary Reminds Us Not To Turn Back

S J Chapman, Resident Blogger, (’12, Northwestern University Law School)

To mark the 41st anniversary of Roe v. Wade, the Center for Reproductive Rights is producing a series of PSAs urging Americans to stand up for reproductive rights.

The latest features Tony and Grammy Award winner Dee Dee Bridgewater, sharing the harrowing account of her 1968 pre-Roe abortion.  I was struck by the candor and poignancy of Dee Dee’s story, which epitomized the lack of dignity that accompanies government restrictions on abortion: “I remember being very humiliated… to the point that today I haven’t thought about this for years; thinking about it makes me want to cry.”

The PSA encourages people to take a stand against governmental intrusion into reproductive decisions.  As Dee Dee asserts, “I don’t think its right that our politicians can choose for women what their reproductive choices are … you are the one who should decide what you will do with your body.”

I urge everyone to take a few minutes to watch Dee Dee’s video.

Once you’ve seen Dee Dee’s story, you might also want to see the first PSA in the series by reproductive rights advocate Mark Ruffalo, who shares the story of his mother’s pre-Roe abortion experience.  It shocked him to learn that to get an abortion, women had to “search out doctors at night, miles and miles and miles away from their home, in a closed-down doctors office or motel room.”  He concluded by saying “I can’t stand aside with two beautiful young girls of my own and accept that we are going to return to those days.”

Let’s follow Dee Dee and Mark’s examples by working together to ensure our reproductive choices are ours, not the government’s.

We must improve access to all reproductive health care

Melissa Torres-Montoya, Resident Blogger (’11, University of California, Berkeley School of Law)

Last year, as a LSRJ fellow, I had the incredible experience of working on federal policy work in Washington, DC, but as you can imagine, it was also an incredibly busy experience because, essential aspects of women’s health care and more broadly reproductive justice were under constant attack.  During my time as a fellow, I became particularly familiar with policies like the Hyde Amendment, a provision that has been passed every year since 1976 and unjustly restricts access to abortion services to women who get their health coverage through Medicaid.  This disproportionately affects  women of color and women with lower incomes.  Yes, Roe v. Wade says abortion is legal, but federal and state policies continue to narrow abortion access and the first to feel these continued attacks are the most vulnerable – communities of color and low income women.

This year, I started a new job where I’m working to end the HIV epidemic and help create an AIDS free generation.  As with many health justice issues, communities of color experience huge disparities in HIV infection rates.   Black women experienced 64% of the new HIV infections in 2010.  Latinas experience higher rates of human papilloma virus (HPV) and the death rate among Latins from cervical cancer is double that of white women.  Moreover, since Latinas experience disproportionate rates of HIV infection and HIV positive women are 4-5 times more susceptible to cervical cancer, the rates of HIV infection among Latinas likely contributes to the much higher death rate among Latinas from cervical cancer.

As I delve into HIV/AIDS advocacy work and reflect on my experience as an LSRJ Fellow and the anniversary of Roe v. Wade this week, I am re-remembering that attaining reproductive justice for women of color not only relies on increasing access to abortion care but also improving access to all reproductive health care.

Bridging the Divide

Mangala Kanayson, Resident Blogger (’15, Emory University School of Law)

Every year on the anniversary of Roe v Wade anti-choice and pro-choice protesters clash in a media frenzy that feeds on the stark divide between two divergent views on abortion. Though meaningful access to abortion is an integral part of the reproductive justice movement, focusing on the black and white morality of abortion can detract from a deeper discussion on the root causes of social inequities that affect women’s lives.

Is it possible to imagine a political landscape where women, regardless of our views on abortion, mobilize our significant resources and unite to work towards a world where all pregnancies are intended and welcomed?  Where we are addressing structural change to our current patriarchy-centric society?

As unlikely as it seems that you may be able to see eye to eye with anti-choice advocates, consider the possibility of reaching out to the Advocates for Life student organization on your law school campus to see if you can work together on less polarizing issues.  Have an honest, civil conversation with someone from across the divide and you might be pleasantly surprised by how much support you can offer each other.

Reflections on Roe: Out of Clinic Violence and Ash Rises a Reproductive Justice Advocate.

Deodonne Bhattarai, Resident Blogger (’12, Northeastern University School of Law)

McCullen v. Coakley, the case that could decide the constitutionality of all abortion clinic buffer zones, was heard by the Supreme Court less than two weeks before the forty-first anniversary of Roe v. Wade. The plaintiff was well chosen, a “grandmother” figure not immediately fitting the image of intimidation and violence that the zone around the Boston clinic was set up to protect entrants from.  Last year the Massachusetts buffer zone was upheld by the First Circuit Court as a way to mitigate “the persistence of a disorderly and threatening climate at facility entrances.”

Perhaps the plaintiff herself believes that she poses no risk to the women she encounters, but within the larger anti-choice/pro-choice movement she is allied with those who do. Boston knows well the devastation of clinic violence where, in 1994, two health workers were brutally murdered while serving their clients.

My own experience as a health worker was born out of the ashes of a local clinic – I was inspired to join the health center’s staff shortly after its offices were firebombed.  The subsequent arson investigation remains open. Clinic violence is a daily reality for those of us trying to ensure that the rights granted by Roe remain accessible to women of all ages and incomes.

Thirty-five feet is all that stands between a peaceful protest and a clinic blockade.  Even with the buffer zone, insults, photographing, and threats of religious retribution create a culture of intimidation whether the conservatives on the Court recognize it as such or not.  So on this anniversary of Roe, remember those who work behind bullet-proof glass, and their clients: women and men brave enough to make a decision for themselves and their families despite anti-choice protesters subjecting them to religious rhetoric, hateful name calling and other forms of aggression.

I’m in the 78%. Taking Back the Narrative: Asian American and Pacific Islanders DO Support Abortion.

Christine Poquiz, Resident Blogger (’12, University of California, Davis School of Law)

Working as a reproductive justice fellow at the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum (NAPAWF), we’re often combating myths (model minority anyone?) and misconceptions around the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.  AAPI women, activists, and organizers are speaking up, fighting back, and recreating the narrative around our community. A few months ago the hashtag #notyourasiansidekick took off on twitter to talk about the struggles that Asian American women face and AAPI feminism. The response to this hashtag was overwhelming and showed how many young AAPI women wanted a forum to talk about these issues. [click here to see the follow-up Google Hangout with NAPAWF’s executive director, Miriam Yeung]

On this 41st anniversary of the landmark decision Roe v. Wade, there are misconceptions that AAPI women aren’t affected by attacks on abortion rights. However, bans against public insurance coverage of abortion, like the Hyde Amendment, cause great harm for subpopulations of the AAPI community who depend on public insurance like Medicaid. Furthermore there is evidence that AAPI women use birth control at lower rates than the general public, have high rates of unintended pregnancies and utilize abortion services at higher rates. On top of all that, some legislators are using stereotypes about Asian American women to pass sex selective abortion bans that encourage racial stereotyping of AAPI women in the doctor’s office and could possibly even cause doctors to deny care to women in our community. AAPI women are significantly affected by attacks on abortion access.

The AAPI community needs to shape the conversation about us, or other people will do it instead. One traditional perception about the AAPI community is that we’re conservative in our values. However, from the National Asian American Survey (NAAS), which conducted opinion polling on over 6,000 AAPIs, showed that the AAPI community is progressive in our values. During this celebration of Roe, it’s crucial to highlight that 78% of AAPIs support some form of legal abortion. Furthermore, 69% of AAPIs believe that the government should stay out women’s personal decision-making.

Here at NAPAWF, we’re big proponents for data disaggregation, and the 78% is not reflective of each AAPI subpopulation. For example, the traditionally Catholic Filipino community is less supportive of legal abortion than the rest of the AAPI community. But even among the Filipino community, over 50% support some form of legal abortion. Moreover, there are higher rates of “I don’t know” within the Vietnamese and Hmong community, which shows advocates like us that there needs to be more culturally competent education around this issue for these communities.

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Most importantly, these top line numbers break the notion that AAPIs don’t support abortion. This year, NAPAWF is uplifting these numbers to show that AAPIs are supportive of abortion and a woman’s personal decision making. Our members, community leaders, and elected officials are taking part in a photo campaign saying that they’re part of the 78% and that they support Roe.

We’re working on changing the narrative. Send in your photo saying you’re part of the 78% today.