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My mother’s fight to show that all families matter

Friday, May 10th, 2013

This blog post is part of the Strong Families Mama’s Day Our Way celebration. You can read more posts in the series on the Strong Families blogStrong Families is a national initiative led by Forward Together. Our goal is to change the way people think, act and talk about families.

Laura Nixon, Law Students for Reproductive Justice Fellow at the National Center for Lesbian Rights (’10, CUNY School of Law).

Several years ago, my mom worked as an elementary school librarian in the small community where my sister and I were raised in rural, northeastern Indiana.  One day, she got a phone call from a parent who was upset that her daughter had brought home the children’s bookAnd Tango Makes Three.  This book is based on the true story of a couple of male penguins who came together as a couple to raise a baby penguin in the Central Park Zoo. It is a story about family, but this parent thought it was a story about an objectionable “lifestyle.”
My mom explained to the parent that the collection of books in the school library reflected the stories of different kinds of families and that the book would remain on the shelves. Following their conversation, the parent wrote a letter to the editor of our town newspaper expressing her opinion. And following publication of that letter, a number of churches in the community encouraged their parishioners to call upon the school district’s Superintendent to remove And Tango Makes Three from the school’s bookshelves. My mom also received emails from members of the community asking to see the book because “my pastor said the devil is in this book.”
Based on the actions of these church members, the Superintendent removed the book from the collection available to students. When my mother met with him to express her disagreement with his decision, she also added: “Our oldest daughter, Laura, is gay. And decisions like this are the reason that she could never return to live in this community.”
I believe my mother spoke up for this book—and spoke up for me—because of what critical race theorist Mari Matsuda once pointed out about love and family: “The urgency of our need for a precious one’s safety is an elixir we might carry as we organize the world to end inequality.” My mother understood that it was important for children to understand that loving families may look different than their own. This will help end inequality. And she understood that it was important for LGBT youth—whether their presence in our school district was acknowledged or not—to see a positive future for themselves as a member of a family. This will help ensure their safety.
The National Center for Lesbian Rights has always advocated for the safety and equality of all families.  In fact, protecting families in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community was the work upon which the organization was founded in 1977. Since that time, through our Family Protection Project, we have advocated on behalf of LGBT people and their families by securing their rights to adoption, second-parent adoption, family and relationship recognition, and access to affordable reproductive technologies. Our work on behalf of LGBT families also happens in our Immigration Project, where we represent undocumented LGBT people in deportation proceedings so they can remain with their same-sex partners and children in the United States. We think of LGBT families in our growing reproductive justice work, due to the disproportionate rates of unintended pregnancy among LGBT youth, which may lead them to begin families earlier in life. And although some people may not think of abortion access and contraceptive equity as LGBT issues, we understand that these are important family planning tools for LGBT youth as well as needed safeguards for health for all LGBT people.
In many parts of the country, we are seeing swift and welcome change in how people think about LGBT families. The Supreme Court’s decisions in June about California’s Proposition 8 and the Defense of Marriage Act may make a big contribution to this change. However, we have also seen that the pace of change is uneven, and we are committed to standing with LGBT families in underserved areas, including rural communities across the country.
My mom lost the fight to keep that book in the elementary school in our rural community. However, by taking an unpopular stand on behalf of her family—and the family I may have someday—she won over the hearts of her family, friends, and even some of her colleagues who now know our family’s story. In fact, in a touching tribute to her courage, they continue to give her penguin-themed gifts for Christmas every year.

Awareness is not enough

Wednesday, May 1st, 2013

Michelle Seyler, Guest Blogger, (’12, University of the District of Columbia, David A. Clarke School of Law)

There are times when I worry that the discussion about rape culture has been overplayed – by now, most of us know it exists and, for some, this seems to be enough. This awareness, however, is just the beginning, and we must continue the hard discussion in order to change society’s perspective.

When women are raped, the response they receive should be supportive – from friends, law enforcement, and society; but sadly this is not often the case. Instead, rape culture dominates and women and men alike often blame the victim for being raped by questioning what she was wearing or the actions she took or did not take.

To fill in my point, I would like to tell you a story of a friend of mine. She was raped by someone she knew, and was further traumatized by the impossibility of finding justice through our criminal system, and the reaction of others when she decided to speak the truth.

My friend’s story is all too common: she was out one evening with some law school colleagues and when she decided she wanted to leave, a “friend” said he was going to share a cab and take it to his apartment after it dropped her off. When they arrived at her home, he got out and said that it was too late to go all the way to his place; he promised to just sleep on her couch. Despite her better instincts and minutes of arguing, she relented and let him in. What happened next is nothing short of horrific. Instead of sleeping on the couch, he got into her bed and violated her in every way possible. She knew this man well enough to know that he had a temper –  one that she feared would cost her her life if she called the police that night, or even months later. If she pressed charges, she felt like she would have to leave her city. Immediately. In light of this, she chose not to report him because she wanted to survive.

She recently told her story anonymously on a blog where she hoped she would receive sensitivity and understanding. The post garnered more than 140 comments and the majority were supportive. However, it also elicited too many comments blaming her actions – saying that she shouldn’t have gotten into the cab in the first place, especially if she was aware of his propensity toward violence. As the comments flood in, she explained that it felt like a hundred bees stinging her all at one.  One in particular stood out to me: “I feel horrible about what happened, but I can’t do anything about it. You should have known better, and it’s your fault for all the women he rapes in the future.”

Seriously? Rape and sexual assault are unique to each survivor, and we must stop blaming the victim. Women, despite what they are wearing and regardless of their decisions, should feel safe to say “no” and trust that they will be heard. When they are not, we must place the blame squarely on that of the perpetrator.

I believe the critical comments on her post are representative of the way many in our country think about rape. But rape is not just a concept in need of debate – it is a crime committed against one in four women in this country, and it needs to be reframed. Some who read her story had the knee-jerk reaction of “blame the victim”- why did she get into the cab? Why did she let him in? Why didn’t she press charges if he is such a dangerous man?

The answers to these questions are personal and, I hope for most of you, self-evident. But as long as there are those out there who have the audacity to hold my friend responsible for the actions of her perpetrator, we have a lot of work to do.

Michelle Seyler (’12, University of the District of Columbia, David A. Clarke School of Law) is currently pursuing an LLM in International Human Rights from the University of London, University College London. She has an extensive background in journalism, academic writing, and advocacy for women’s rights.

I am a feminist. Do I “lean in”? And lean into what?

Thursday, April 18th, 2013

Melissa Torres-Montoya, Guest Blogger, LSRJ Reproductive Justice Fellow (’11, University of California, Berkeley School of Law)

“Lay back,” “chill out,” “kick back,” these are terms that as a Californian I’m used to hearing, not “lean in.”  So when I was invited to a brunch to hear from Sheryl Sandburg, the COO of Facebook, who is encouraging women to “lean in,” I was curious to learn what she meant.  I attended the brunch with an open mind.  I was excited, but I was skeptical.  I was excited because I was looking forward to learning more about a woman who prompted the bad ass Time Magazine headline, “Don’t hate her because she’s successful; Facebook’s Sheryl Sandburg and her mission to reboot feminism.”  I was skeptical because I wondered how she, a corporate woman, was rebooting feminism by encouraging women to “lean in.”  Lean into what? The idea that a woman from corporate America is “rebooting feminism” and bringing “feminism” into the mainstream thrilled me.  Attending this event was a no brainer.

I am a recently graduated lawyer, a reproductive justice advocate, and a feminist.  I’ve noticed though that it appears as if the term “feminism” has been abandoned or viewed as antiquated.  A close friend of mine was shocked when recently only she and her professor self-identified as a feminist in a class of 50.  That’s shocking to me too and a little scary because it makes me wonder if with the name, the principles of feminism will also be shelved.  And now here is a powerful woman, Sheryl Sandburg, in corporate America talking about feminism – I think having female leaders talking about feminism is critical to keeping feminist principles alive and key to achieving feminist goals.

On the other hand, I went to the brunch feeling quite skeptical of Sandburg’s message of “lean in.”  Is she blaming women for not being aggressive enough?  Or is she encouraging women to be more aggressive instead of advocating that society transform to better support the advancements and success of everyone, inclusive of the differing characteristics they may have, in the workforce?  Despite these very valid concerns, I think it is worth listening to what she has to say, which includes the word feminism!

During the bunch, Sandburg explained that she was not trying to blame women for not leaning in.  Instead, she identified a problem we can all agree on – the scarcity of women in leadership positions.

I was surprised by how much I related to many of Sandberg’s anecdotes, both in childhood and as a young professional.  She shared a comical story from one of her weddings; her younger siblings toasted her by saying “Although, most will know us as her younger siblings, in reality we were her first employees.”  While it was a fun take on their interactions as kids, she explained that it also spoke to a societal issue – her tendency to organize children at play was viewed as bossy rather than possessing the talent of leadership.  She asked us, how many times do you hear people call little boys bossy?  We don’t.  I share this so-called “bossy trait” aka leadership with Sheryl Sandburg and many other women.  As a child, when organizing our play time, some friends benevolently called me the social director, while others called me “bossy.”

The fact that society still defines women and men differently for the same characteristics is a problem and Sandburg urged we, as a society, to  do a better job of furthering gender parity by helping women develop into leaders.  We should support leadership traits in young girls, encourage them to “lean in” by taking initiative and being “bossy or bold,” as well as encouraging men to possess such traits traditionally thought of as female, like being nurturing. This I can get down with. If she said “hey, women, it’s a man’s world, buck up and act like a man,” I’d have a problem with that.

I also think it’s a valid critique that her “lean in” catch phrase may only apply to a limited scope of privileged women.  I can think of many women in various circumstances who would not likely find Sandburg’s advice useful in overcoming their struggles.  I acknowledge the legitimacy of Sandburg’s point that the contrast between female academic achievement and the number of female CEOs at Fortune 500s highlights a wrong in our culture, but as a reproductive justice advocate I understand that the racial, gender, economic, political, and cultural oppression that women experience everyday in American cannot be waived away with a mere “lean in.”  Her concept applies to too few and oversimplifies the issue.

Sandburg also discussed the challenges that parents face when in leadership roles, which is an issue particularly relevant to me as a young professional who hopes to have children one day and as a reproductive justice advocate.  She shared her story of pursuing her career while also being a parent and handling all the responsibilities that come along with both.  This part of her conversation identified ways we need to shape the workforce to better support women as they pursue careers in corporate America, like supporting flexible work schedules so women are better able to parent their children.  Other countries, have policies that support a healthy balance between work and families.  Women face many challenges in attempting to balance work and family.

As a reproductive justice advocate, I work to ensure that all people have the ability to decide whether, when and how to have or parent a child with dignity.  We need to create this environment of dignity that supports working and parenting; and where women feel like they are doing both effectively.  A crucial step in achieving this is a national conversation that sparks collaboration, stimulates corporate shifts, and prompts legislative changes.  By no means is this “lean in” concept a fix for everything, but I do believe that the book and the media attention around it, is pushing the national conversation on these issues and this is a significant and important contribution to feminism and reproductive justice.

Anything but Delicate: Alabama’s Solution to Substance Abuse During Pregnancy

Wednesday, February 20th, 2013

Josie Sustaire, Resident Blogger (’14, University of Oregon School of Law)

Suppose a woman chooses to have a child.  Suppose that she elects also to raise the child after it’s born.  You may be thinking, “Great.  Good for her.”  But suppose that the woman also happens to be addicted to drugs.  Are you still excited for her?  Is she any less suitable to invoke her rights?  What should be done?  Legislators in Alabama have answered these questions by prosecuting women who expose their children to drugs while pregnant.  The Alabama statute, Ala.Code 1975 § 26-15-3.2, was originally put on the books to protect children from exposure to meth labs.  However, the law has been expanded through litigation to encompass fetal exposure to drugs in utero, essentially offering legislator’s a backhanded way of circumventing a woman’s rights.

“Laws concerning a pregnant woman’s treatment of her fetus are not without precedent,” Ada Calhoun points out in her New York Times article on the subject.  “Since abortion was legalized in 1973,” she says, “hundreds of women across the country have been arrested for harming their fetuses, with charges ranging from child endangerment to first-degree murder.  Emma Ketteringham, the director of legal advocacy at the National Advocates for Pregnant Women, a New York-based reproductive-justice group, predicts a grim future if laws like Alabama’s stay on the books.  “Everyone talks about the personhood of the fetus,” she remarks, “but what’s really at stake is the personhood of women.  It starts with the use of an illegal drug, but what happens as a consequence of that precedent is that everything a woman does while she’s pregnant becomes subject to state regulation.”

And, as if to add insult to injury, medical research has shown that quitting cold turkey while pregnant can be fatal to the fetus.  So, that same hypothetical pregnant woman who abuses drugs, if she has access to adequate medical care, may be told by a medical professional that she should not quit but rather should maintain acceptable levels to avoid miscarriage.  Given the research, maintaining low levels of the drugs in order to save the fetus seems much safer.  BUT if the state that the woman lives in has a law like Alabama, she will still face criminal charges once the baby is born and traces of drugs are found in the baby’s system.

There must be something we can do about this.  We must find a way to reconcile the rights of women with the interests of the state in ensuring the health and safety of infants.  Why does a woman’s rights have to be sacrificed?  How can Alabama legislators believe that two wrongs can make a right?  What we can be sure of is that Alabama has no plans of backing off.  Over 60 women have been incarcerated for child endangerment and the legislature has submitted proposed amendments to the statute to explicitly apply to in utero exposure.

Now don’t get me wrong.  I love the babies.  I want what is best for them.  But how can locking their mother up for 10 years (mandatory sentence in Alabama is 10 years to life) because she is a drug user be the best option?  Sure she should not have used drugs while pregnant, but hindsight’s 20-20 and what’s done is done.  What can we offer her moving forward?  Drug treatment options seem like a much more beneficial option.  I would also encourage changing regulation of methadone clinics due to the risk of methadone exposure to fetuses.  There may not be an easy solution, but we certainly can’t go on like this.

Note:  The Guttmacher Institute has a state policy pdf that states “No state specifically criminalizes drug use during pregnancy,” and I have submitted a request for clarification and am currently awaiting their response.

 

Image from the Repeal Hyde Art Project

Friday, January 25th, 2013
Megan J. Smith, Guest Blogger. (Repeal Hyde Art Project)
This post is part of Blog for Choice 2013, launched by the Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).
 
This post can also be found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com, or at Megan’s personal blog, meganjuliasmith.wordpress.com.

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Scared

Friday, January 25th, 2013

Betty Yang, Guest Blogger (’15, Boston University School of Medicine, Medical Students for Choice)

This post is part of Blog for Choice 2013, launched by Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).

Also found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com

The term “pro-life” sounds like it should have a nice sentiment. It conjures up the pursuit of health and wellness, the prevention of disease, ambitions not unlike the themes of the Hippocratic Oath. As a future physician, though, the words “pro-life” evoke a very different, less wholesome feeling.

I feel scared. Scared for the women in the world who don’t have access to safe abortions and resort to alternative means. Scared for the girl who is shamed into a life she is not prepared for. And most personally, scared for what might happen to me or my family when I stand up for my beliefs and become an abortion provider. The history of violence against abortion providers and their communities is long and world-wide. There have been countless death threats, physical assaults, kidnappings, and even cold-blooded murders, all in the name of having a “right to life”. Do these abortion clinic security guards, receptionists, and physicians not also have a right to life? Are their futures worth any less than that of an embryo that has never “seen” the light of day?

Wanting all living things to live is a beautiful thought. And, according to my definition of life—which takes into consideration the life of a woman unprepared to care for, or to birth and subsequently give up a child, and the life of a doctor who stands up for a woman’s right to choose, and a definition which excludes bodies of life that cannot independently live without a supplemental blood, immune, and digestive system—I am of the same opinion. But to believe bombing, or suffocating, or shooting others based on their beliefs, all under the guise of an “Army of God” is where the title “pro-life” falls apart.

Thanks to Roe v. Wade, I am lawfully able to provide women a reproductive choice, but until the anti-abortion, “pro-life” culture of violence abates, I will not be able to do so without fearing for my life and the lives of those I love.

Roe is necessary, but not sufficient

Wednesday, January 23rd, 2013

Gillian Stoddard Leatherberry, Guest Blogger (’15, Boston University School of Law - Law Students for Reproductive Justice)

This post is part of Blog for Choice, launched by Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).

Also found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com

You’ve probably heard about Savita. She recently died of septic shock in Ireland after physicians refused to perform life-saving surgery that may have saved Savita, but would have aborted her fetus. Many women world-wide, like Savita, aren’t lucky enough to have access to legal abortion. Roe means that Savita might have been saved if she had been in the United States when she was in need of life-saving surgery. 

To me, Roe means to me that some women have access to meaningful abortion rights, but this choice is not accessible to everyone , and it doesn’t come without judgment. Contemporary feminists and young women are known for not appreciating our freedom to use contraception and choose abortion. I appreciate it, but I am not satisfied with it alone. One in three women have an abortion in her lifetime. Why does shame and judgment still surround this medical procedure?

Before coming to law school, I volunteered as a clinic escort. The following examples are real scenarios that evidence the success and also the limits of Roe:

  •  Walking into the family planning clinic, one clinic patron was approached by anti-choice protesters who asked her why she is giving up her baby and did she know she was killing an innocent life? The patron later told me that that she was outraged by the protesters because her teenage daughter was in the car – her teenage daughter whom the clinic patron had told she had cysts, not that she was at the clinic for an abortion procedure.  Roe means that this woman can have an abortion, but doesn’t mean that her daughter won’t face the same shame if she ever needs an abortion
  • Many women drive long distances or from out of state to come into abortion clinics. This is probably because most counties in the United States have no access to a family planning clinic. Roe means that women are able to access an abortion symbolically, but not before women must take off work, find a car, and find money to drive to the clinic and have an abortion procedure.
  • A young woman who was protesting outside the clinic one day yelled at me, “Don’t you know that having a baby is free?” Roe means that clinic patients can have abortions, but Roe cannot explain to this young woman why having a child and that child’s monetary, emotional and other costs are by no definition “free.”

While Roe legalizes abortion, full access to the procedure and its acceptance aren’t things that the Supreme Court decision created. On this 40th anniversary of the Supreme Court decision, abortion rights supporters should be reminded that Roe is necessary to abortion rights, but not sufficient in creating choice for all women.

Do it for Jane

Wednesday, January 23rd, 2013

Daine Stevens, Guest Blogger (’14, UIC-College of Medicine - Medical Students for Choice)

This post is part of Blog for Choice 2013, launched by Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).

Also found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com

The 40th anniversary of Roe vs. Wade is likely to bring as many protests as it brings celebrations. While American culture tends to be liberalizing in its attitudes toward civil rights, those of us in the pro-choice movement find ourselves forced to once again defend positions we thought we’d long ago settled. While the concept of reversing gains and re-instituting a ban on inter-racial marriages, for example, seems utterly absurd, we have seen serious attempts to make contraception more difficult to obtain, to ban abortion outright, or to make abortions de facto illegal, expensive, and professionally risky.

Yet despite the personal, legal, and professional challenges, we can never forget that vacating the rhetorical battleground only strengthens those who seek to ban a woman’s right to choose. Those who seek to end Roe too often resort to violence, threats of violence, and outright lies to advance their position. These threats can cow those who support a woman’s right to choose into silence and secrecy, clearing room for prominent conservatives to openly opine about which rapes should be considered “legitimate” and which ones we shouldn’t be horrified by. While we can take temporary comfort in the defeat of Mississippi’s “personhood amendment” and of such anti-choice blowhards as Todd Akin and Richard Mourdock, we should also be scared that the margins in Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio weren’t even larger; there’s still much work to be done.

I fully admit that as a future physician I am a biased source. It is patently contrary to medical ethics to force a patient to accept greater physical risk to themselves against their will, and pregnancy is at least 14 times more dangerous than an abortion. Even in cases where another life is at stake—like an innocent child who needs a kidney transplant—the legal structure for forcing a person to submit to medical risk—to forcibly take an organ—simply does not exist. In those so-called compromise positions where exceptions graciously exist in cases of rape and incest, anti-choice advocates presuppose a right to force women to disclose personal details of their sex lives to a body which will then judge them by moral, rather than medical criteria. Nowhere else in medicine, whether in heart disease, COPD, or even sexually transmitted infections, do we ever ask whether a patient is worthy to make their own choices or if they somehow deserve the consequences of their behavior before we grant them medical autonomy.

Abortion can only stay safe, legal, and available as long as we are willing to stand up and defend choice from those who seek to curtail it. Civil rights have moved forward because individuals have met and interacted with those who were affected, and because more people openly defended their rights; pro-choice individuals must come out to their friends and families and stand proud. This year we are celebrating the demise of the back-alley and coat-hanger abortion. Forty years on, our mission is to ensure that we never allow it to go back.

40 years

Wednesday, January 23rd, 2013

Susan Yanow, Guest Blogger (Consultant to UCSF/ANSIRH, Ibis, Reproductive Health Access Project and Women on Waves/Women on Web, Board of NARAL ProChoice Massachusetts, Board of ACLU of Massachusetts, BSSRJ Advisor)

This post is part of Blog for Choice 2013, launched by Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).

Also found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com

The Roe v. Wade decision in 1973 gave women cause to celebrate. An end to unsafe clandestine abortion was a core component of a women‘s movement which included a vision of women-centered health care, embedded in a social justice framework that empowered us to take more control over our bodies, our sexual and reproductive health, and our lives.

Parts of our vision have come to pass. Women have broken through many glass ceilings, and there are more female physicians, health activists, and health advocates. New technologies such as medication abortion and manual vacuum aspiration make abortion available earlier in pregnancy. Advocates and health professionals have worked to move early abortion into primary care, and more family medicine doctors, physician assistants, nurse practitioners and midwives are committed to providing the full range of primary health care services, including abortion, to their patients. Maternal death from abortion in the U.S. is a statistic from the past. Over 1 million U.S. women each year obtain safe, legal abortions from highly skilled clinicians.

However, 40 years after Roe, the promise of legal abortion, and therefore of control over one‘s body and health, remains unrealized for too many women. The elimination of abortion coverage from the Affordable Care Act, Federal Medicaid, many private insurers, from Indian Health Services, and for those employed by the Federal government or in the military leaves many women facing an insurmountable financial barrier to accessing abortion. State restrictions, including waiting periods, parental consent requirements for minors, bans on later abortions, and expensive and unnecessary requirements for facilities that provide abortions create additional obstacles, especially for rural, young and low-income women. Women, particularly those who need second trimester abortions, must often travel great distances to find abortion care.

Anti-abortion activists have successfully framed abortion as a moral, not a health care, decision, stigmatizing both women who seek abortions and those who provide the abortion care that women need. A shortage of clinicians willing to provide abortions has been exacerbated by the failure of medical professional groups to support abortion providers, a campaign of violence and harassment by anti-abortion activists, and a lack of training opportunities and support systems for those who are committed to women‘s health care. The Supreme Court has eliminated many of the original protections of Roe, and the anti-abortion movement has become very sophisticated. They have co-opted our messages and proclaim that they are the movement that cares about women and healthy families. 

In the face of these challenges, we must refuse to go back to the days when women had little control over their reproductive lives and their bodies. There are some lights in the dark tunnel of attacks on our rights.  The Reproductive Justice framework holds potential for uniting us around a vision of moving abortion back into the context of women‘s rights and the need for all women, regardless of income, geography, or race, to raise the children they want and not to have children they don‘t want. We are recognizing how eliminating the rights of women with a wanted or an unwanted pregnancy impact all of us, and the need to defend women charged with endangering a pregnancy as vehemently as we defend the right to end a pregnancy. Increasing numbers of young clinicians are stepping up and seeking abortion training, and young women are visibly mobilizing to protect rights they once were able to take for granted. For all of us, the 40th anniversary of Roe is a time to reflect on what we‘ve gained and to become energized by the ongoing work to expand abortion rights and abortion access by new leaders and new visions. Most of all, this anniversary is an opportunity to re-commit ourselves to fighting for justice, including access to abortion as a core part of the comprehensive reproductive health care needed by women across our country and around the world.

Reclaiming “Until Abortion Ends” in the New Year

Tuesday, January 22nd, 2013

Anonymous, Member of Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice. 

This post is part of Blog for Choice 2013, launched by Boston Students for Sexual and Reproductive Justice (BSSRJ).

Also found at bostonreprojustice.blogspot.com

In 2011, the I am Whole Life organization embarked on a new anti-choice campaign. “Until Abortion Ends” featured “protesters” (often young) in videos, photographs, Facebook posts—whatever, pledging to give up something they “loved” until legal and safe abortions came to an end.  Pro-choice critics like myself found this campaign not only ridiculous because its “righteous” youngsters were protesting a serious issue by giving up a piece of junk food, but also offensive for it’s anti-women, anti-choice, and anti-reproductive rights bull.  However, we could alternatively view this campaign as a missed opportunity for feminists, pro-choicers, and good people all around to bring recognition and action to some real issues still facing women and many men today.  So for 2013, I’ve decided we should bring back the “Until [Insert cause] Ends” campaign to focus on what we really care about. Some sample picket sign ideas follow:

 

Until rape ends.

Until incest ends.

Until poverty ends.

Until forced marriage ends.

Until domestic violence ends.

Until child sexual abuse ends.

Until modern day slavery ends.

Until male child preference ends.

Until unplanned pregnancy ends.

Until abstinence-only education ends.

Until others’ control of women’s bodies ends.

Until politicians regulating reproduction ends.

Until unequal access to birth control methods ends.

Instead of protesting abortion, maybe the above suggestions would be more worthy causes. A woman decides to have an abortion for a myriad of complex reasons.  Until all of these reasons end, we will always need access to safe, legal, affordable, and non-judgmental abortions. And until abortion ends, women will still have the choice and chance to make their own decisions about their bodies and lives.